Secure attachment is necessary for developing emotionally secure children

Introduction

Positive social behavior causes enhancement of the welfare of others and plays a crucial function in cooperative social relationships. Among the many processes that help pro-social development is the significance of the child’s attachment to their parents/caregiver. Brett,  Cassidy,  Gross, & Stern,  (2017). Researchers are interested in the connection between secure attachments and broad-based indices of pro-social behaviors.

Current theories and studies have shown that children displayed many pro-social behaviors that were distinct and had definite parallels and developmental trajectories that are characteristic of certain pro-social behaviors, such as comforting, sharing, and helping Brett, et al.,  (2017). (https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2017-16860-026)

Scientific evidence supports a correlation between secure attachment and pro sociality. However, results differ when it comes to sharing, comforting, and helping. A secure attachment system between infants and parents/caregivers is critical to the child’s development because it provides them with the tools necessary to form safe relationships in their adolescent and adult lives (Brett et al. 2017).

The basic Tenet of Attachment

Bowlby acknowledges the theory of behavioral systems, which is on the premise of biologically evolved neural programs.  This method attempted to explain the ability of humans to organize their behavioral responses that enables them to act quickly and cope during uncertain times while at the same time, fuels the desire to survive and procreate. (Carr & Lai, 2018). Bowlby said the biological attachment enables infants to pursue robust, wise, and protective people for meeting their needs, provide security, support, and care, particularly during times of persistent crisis.  Whenever people perceive threats or stressors in their environment, their attachment system is set into motion to secure life and property. (Lai & Carr, 2018).

Whenever these structures are inactive, or the absence of the threat of attachment set-up is relaxed, the mental energy renews for other activities. Importantly, security is the aim of such attachment behavior, especially at the looming of danger when no reliable caregiver is available to respond. Thus, the perceived attainment of protection is reduced further attachment-related attempts. (Lai & Carr, 2018). The process of developing security overtime helps to establish an authentic “secure base script,” especially with the issues of coping with threats, receiving help, and controlling negative feelings in future relationships.

Attachment Is an Emotional Bond

A baby’s initiation of closeness in a western middle-class family comes about as a result of emotionally stimulating interactions with reciprocal exchanges and emotional expressions.  Hence, the showing of emotions during awkward times (e.g., stress caused by separation and relief and joy upon reuniting with the mother) indicates attachment. This emotional regulation applies to all children globally.  Also, the expression of emotional cornerstones, e.g., stranger anxiety, is deemed biologically base and universal (Keller, 2018).

In western textbooks, the anxiety of strangers presumed to start in the behavioral repertoire of a baby at about eight months of age when the emotional connection with the primary caregiver develops. A confrontation with an unfamiliar person in an odd situation can cause distress in the child and generate the attachment behavior of proximity seeking (Keller, 2018).

Cultural documentation from sub-Saharan communities such as the Ivorian Beng or Cameroon is clear that stranger anxiety is absent from the behavioral repertoire of these developing children of the agrarian cultures. Although infants might have been born with the biological tendency to develop the anxiety of strangers, the actual events of concern would depend on contextual experiences (Keller, 2018). Close-knit ordinary farming communities in the non-western world have fewer strangers visiting; therefore, the families do not perceive any potential threats. Also, it is a common practice for parents to socialize infants with multiple caregivers to take on different roles and responsibilities (Keller, 2018).

The Significant Attachment Partner is an Adult

The principal caregivers for babies in Western middle-class societies are adults, primarily the mother with some help from the father and sometimes a grandmother and babysitters.  The attachment is specific to the particular dyad (Keller, 2018). This relationship is presumed foremost, and the model for relationships futuristically.  This idea resembles the nuclear family model and generational discontinuity owing to the changing dynamics of the western middle-class families (Keller, 2018).

There are multiple social partners for babies in original farming villages, which reflects the assignment of responsibilities within huge multigenerational homes. The mother may play the central role in the caregiving network for a while, since she breastfeeds the child and may also be one of the many playing a role in the relational system (Keller, 2018). Fathers are not actively involved in the early life of the baby; however, grandmothers are critical.  Often children are utilized as caregivers of babies. Scheidecker analyzed the social relationships of children during the first four years of life in South Madagascan villages (Keller, 2018).

Upon observation, the peer group of children up to five years of age significantly socially interacted with infants.  Although attachment researchers acknowledge that multiple caregiving relationships exist, they have concluded that the different relational experiences result in a similar idea of attachment relationships worldwide. (Keller, 2018)

The conclusion is contradictory to evidence from cross-cultural research that shows that early experience has critical implications for the development and achievements of children. (Keller, 2018)

Disorders Associated with Attachment

Researchers have accepted the view that attachment disorders begin in early childhood and resulting from the inadequacy of their environment. As a result, two separate clinical patterns are developed; emotionally withdrawn/inhibited phenotype, and an indiscriminately social/disinhibited phenotype (Hornor, 2019).  According to (Honor, 2019) because of the significant differences in the clinical disorders the 5^th edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-V,) designated two separate attachment disorders, reactive attachment disorder (RAD) and disinhibited social engagement disorder (DSED), to describe these clinical symptoms. DSED is considered as being overly friendly, approaching unknown adults, inability to recognize danger, and going off with strangers. (Hornor, 2019). For the diagnostic purpose, the criteria for either attachment disorder requires that the child suffered severe social neglect during their early years and have a cognitive age of at least nine months to ascertain whether the child is competent in forming attachments (APA, 2013).

These attachment disorders are somewhat rare.  RAD is noticeable in young children neglected children before placement in foster homes or raised institutionally.    There is a possibility that less than 10% of these children who experienced severe social neglect will have the disorder.  Children who develop RAD had experienced were neglected socially within the first few months of life (Hornor, 2019). Symptoms of RAD develops at an early age between nine months and five years.

In young children, RAD is described as the lack of focused attachment behaviors directed toward a preferred caregiver.  Failure to find and respond to comfort when in distress; reduced social and emotional reciprocity; stunted response to others; disturbed emotional regulation, such as negative affect and unexplained fearfulness and irritability even when an attempt is made by a family member to comfort (Mikic & Terradas, 2014; Zeanah & Gleason, 2015) (Hornor, 2019. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4342270/)

Children with RAD may resort to soothing themselves, becoming socially inept, and display aggressive behavior towards peers (Haugaard & Hazan, 2004).  The criteria for the diagnosis of RAD is focused primarily on absent or aberrant attachment behaviors across settings rather than on social behaviors ( Zeanah & Gleason, 2015). The main deficit of RAD is evidence of the absence of attachment behaviors.  Therefore, a diagnosis for RAD must include observations of the child’s interaction with their primary caregivers and also strangers. (Hornor, 2019). Some common comorbidities associated with RAD are the delay of language, cognitive delay, and stereotyping. The child may also experience depressive symptoms.  Children diagnosed with RAD may have underlying clinical conditions such as stunted growth, lesions on the skin, and hygiene neglect. (APA, 2013) (Horner, 2019).  

Contextual Child-Parent Attachment Representation

 Within any relationship, individuals can create a “context-specific” attachment schemata relevant to a specific relational partner.  Context-specific schemata act as mediators connecting the global and episodic levels of specific by using a top-down and bottom-up approach (Carr & Lai, 2018). Research has confirmed that individuals are capable of developing various context-specifics throughout their lifetime.  For example, (school-specific, sports-specific, and community-specific) attachment ties with many relational partners inclusive of parents, close friends, teammates, teachers, coaches, and romantic partners (Carr & Lai, 2018). These connections are the result of their availability and ability to satisfy specific attachment functions (for example, proximity, haven, and secure base) in a given context and at different stages of development (Carr & Lai, 2018).

Context-specific attachment is a schema in which one’s attachment representation with parents mainly differs by context as in sports or school and are reserved and experienced in an emotional and psychological sense (Carr & Lai, 2018). These contextual schemata can involve an interplay between contextual factors, global structures (i.e., a prototypical schema for parents), and episodic interactions momentarily (Carr & Lai, 2018).

Anthropology re-dux: Infant and Mother in Context

Death without weeping, a significant study by Nancy Scheper-Hughes, described the socio-economic context influences maternal attitudes and emotions.  She observed three generations of mothers living in poverty in Brazil, where each mother had an estimated 9.5 pregnancies, eight births, and 3.5 infant mortality  ( Vicedo, 2017). It is very likely these babies will not survive; therefore, mothers were wary of becoming too attached; hence they did not name the infant or grieve after their death. However, this is a typical example of Western culture ( Vicedo, 2017). Scheper-Hughes concluded that there is no universality in mother’s love and naturally monolithic effect. This challenges attachment theory, because she called for recognition that mother’s love represents a matrix of images, meanings, sentiments, and practices that are everywhere socially and produced culturally.

Other anthropologists revealed that socio-cultural contexts impact parents’ goals in childrearing and, as a result, their practices, including emotional involvement with their infants.  Levine et al. discovered that  Guidi mothers who bore an average of ten children, the first focus is on their survival and then teaching them submissiveness, in contrast to U.S. mothers whose goal is not compliance.  (Vicedo, 2017). In her observation of Samoan family relations, Mageo found that socialization is not oriented towards developing feelings of security but instead encourages separation. ( Vicedo, 2017)

 Mothers have different goals that are dependent on their socio-economic status, cultural traditions, and social class and also evaluate their children’s behavior differently. For example, Harwood, Miller, and Irizarry founded that U.S. mothers in the Anglo and Puerto Rican communities of Connecticut had various concepts of what a ‘good child’ is, and these hindered their judgment of their children’s behavior in a simulated odd situation ( Vicedo, 2017). Research has revealed that some mothers disproved of secure behavior and approved of insecure behavior. Weisner also reported that some mothers in the U.S. encouraged their children’s independence; however, that behavior is comparable to the avoidance class in the attachment classification system (Vicedo, 2017).

Criticism of Attachment Theory

According to Keller (2018), attachment theory is only applicable to the Western middle-class.  They ignore the caregiving values and practice in the majority of the world.  Attachment theory claims to be universal in all aspects.  Since universality indicates moral judgments about good and bad parenting, there is the need to address ethical questions  Keller, (2018). Sensitive responsiveness in attachment theory was established on a different concept of the person and self than ideas of good caregiving in many rural subsistence-based farming families.  Comparing one system to the standards of another ignores the separate realities in different value systems. In families across the world,  childcare is prioritized, and their caregivers attempt to give them the best care Keller, (2018). This is especially important because patterns of care are carefully adapted to the ecological situations and social history of the different communities.  The universality claims for attachment theory recommending one particular view as best for all children in the world is a stark contrast to the actual ecosocial diversity Keller, (2018). (https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.1720325115)

Attachment and Emotion Regulation

Way before either attachment became known, psychoanalysts were busy observing nature and the importance of intimate human relations.  The objective of the relationship group, and particularly the British psychoanalytic school’s revision of Freudian theory drive which supplied the momentum for the many attachments and interpersonal relatedness (De Stefano, 2017). Donald Fairbairn’s (1949) famous dictum that the ‘libido is not primarily pleasure-seeking, but object-seeking. A fact that has captured the essence of man’s natural biological drive to establish and maintain close relationships with people who are important to them (Baumeister & Leary 1995). Attachment is nature’s strategy for survival because it involves individuals receiving care from birth throughout their entire life.  Survival is the ability of humans to manage and respond to life stressors (Atkins & De Stefano, 2017).

Neuroscientists have speculated that evolution is at the center of the development of the nervous system in humans that is responsible for altering them of threats.  Within the midbrain is the amygdala that performs the role of scanning the environment for signs of imminent danger (Damasio, 2001; Ledoux, 2015). Upon detection, the amygdala sends information to the autonomic nervous system, ANS, where an appropriate flight, fight, or freeze takes place (De Stefano, 2017).  Another area of the brain is the prefrontal cortex, which can calm or modulate the reaction of the amygdala. The amygdala in humans is complete at eight months’ gestation, while it takes years for the cortex to catch up. Caregiver’s play a pivotal role in the infancy stage,  as they must have love, care, and the right social environment, which is essential for the cortex to develop (Atkins & De Stefano, 2017) https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2017-43734-002

From birth, unpredictable processes such as holding, touching, gazing, vocalizing, and playing are crucial for regulating the autonomic nervous system, optimal brain development, affect regulation, and the creation of secure attachment (Porges, 2003; A. N. Schore, 2001, 2003).

Caregivers’ ability to comfort the child when distressed helps to establish secure ties between the infant/caregiver. The interactive, bidirectional communication between them assists the child in developing neural circuits from the amygdala to the cortex, which allows for autoregulation of emotions at a later stage (Atkins & De Stefano, 2017).

The initial dyadic co-regulation of emotional reactivity and negative arousal will not occur without the face-to-face and thus “brain-to-brain linkup” that is shaped by both individuals (Goleman, 2006, p. 4).

Conclusion

 Attachment theory originated with Bowlby, who claims that a secure attachment is necessary for a child to adapt to real-life situations in the world. The first few years of the child’s life is the most crucial stage of their emotional development. Here is where they learn to trust by interacting with their caregivers, who are attentive, compassionate, and kind.  Adults also benefit from emotional regulation. Some researchers are of the view that attachment is just a concept of the western middle-class. Irrespective of the cultural differences in attachment, it is a critical part of the child’s development and is the primary model for forming secure relationships as adults.